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Declaration of Constitution of the International Liaison Committee

ILC, 2 November 2009




1.- The humanity is passing through an historical moment in which the working class and the peoples of the world need to defend their human, labour and national rights, and in many cases basically for their proper survival, they necessitate the elimination of all national and international barriers, which the capitalism imposes on the development of the productive forces.

On the other hand, imperialism mobilizes all its forces to maintain its world domination through military interventions and coups, or through its policies of democratic reaction. When, after the dissolution of bureaucratic states –so called socialist states- the bourgeoisie was rising the victory flag of neo-liberalism over the working class and the popular masses, the heroic resistance of the peoples of Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon and Afghanistan, and the victorious mobilizations of Latin Americans masses, which –in the absence of working class alternatives- strengthened some nationalist left trends with frictions with US imperialism, demonstrated that the global dominance of imperialism was no longer not only unquestionable, but also invincible. The world situation evolves towards the crisis of the hegemony of capitalism, whose destiny will depend on the struggles that approaches in the field of the world crisis that capitalism is suffering at present.

2.- The crisis through which capitalism is currently passing is a global crisis of over-production like of 1929’s. Governments and capitalist financial institutions want to convince us that the crisis would last only a couple of years, and that we would recuperate easily if the workers accept voluntarily the lay offs, waiting for the new jobs until the unemployment is over. However, capitalism could overcome this type of crisis only destroying massively the productive forces (workers/ machinery/ companies) that permits it to recuperate rates of benefit and initiate new accumulation cycles. 1929’s crisis was “resolved” with the II. World War after the long depression of the thirties.

3.- The measures that the governments and the employers impose by delivering huge amounts of money to the banks and big companies are not only robberies, but also useless efforts far from resolving the fundamental problems of the crisis. To the working class, they impose lay offs and worsening of the living conditions (salary reductions, increasing working hours, more flexibility, more precariousness), thereby reducing more and more the surviving capacity of the workers which worsen even further their situation. Their aim is not to resolve the worldwide crisis, but to maintain their business benefits and to fight for competitive market share which shrinks even more.

4.- The capitalist logic of the recovery of the rate of managerial benefit assures hunger, unemployment and increasing misery for the workers and peoples of the world. To this logic of destruction it is necessary to object with the firm defense of right for jobs, the defense of the wages and of the public services. It is necessary to defend the productive capacity; the factories accumulate wealth that we have produced with our effort, and the needs of the population are still very far from being attended. If the capitalism doesn’t do anything but destroy all that the efforts of millions of workers have created and threatens them with hunger and misery, the capitalism must be destroyed and substituted by a system that responds to the needs of the wide majority of the population.

5.- The plans of the imperialism to rescue the falling of the rate of managerial benefits takes shape in war policies to appropriate the principle sources of the world’s wealth. They began in Afghanistan, continued and ran aground in Iraq. The resistance of the peoples to the imperialistic plunder has been decisive to prevent new military plans from extending the other parts of the planet (Syria, Iran, Colombia …). There is no purely economic solution for the crisis and the solution whether if capitalism can once again push back the living conditions of million workers and thus return to a new benefits cycle, or if we are before the end of the capitalism, will be determined by the class struggle. Each day that passes under the agonizing capitalism supposes terrible sufferings for the masses.

6.- The imperialism prepares its plans and tries to put every state under its orders. However, it does not walk in an area without obstacles: the resistances of the peoples of Middle East, the revolutionary mobilizations in Latin America, refusal of EU Constitution in France and Ireland, growing struggles of working class and students in the continent... call into question the “governability” of imperialism in the world. But the main weakness in the workers and popular resistance is the lack of coordination, of unity, to throb on the multinationals and the Governments. This lack of organization is also the lack of a world revolutionary party of the workers. As it is written in the Transitional Programme 70 years ago: “The historical crisis of mankind is reduced to the crisis of revolutionary leadership.” This is the strategic aim of our two organizations that decided to establish the International Liaison Committee: the reconstruction of the IVth International continues being today urgent and necessary.

7.- Workers’ Front (WF) and Lucha Internacionalista (LI-Internationalist Struggle) are two organizations that have emerged from Workers’ International League-Fourth international (LIT-CI) which is an international organization founded in 1982 as the legitimate successor of revolutionary Trotskyism. However, after death of his founder -Nahuel Moreno- in 1986, and particularly by the impact of the big crisis in which LIT got drown at the end of the 80’s, these two organizations (WF and LI) began to oppose from distinct points to the construction policy that the international leadership and the respective sections had decided to apply, and likewise we assumed a battle separately to rectify its politically and methodologically wrong course. The international leadership entered into a bureaucratization process that provoked first the separation of the WF from LIT-CI, and later the expulsion of LI. Nevertheless we do not think that this struggle of the reorientation of the LIT-CI has been ended, because in its interior there are significant forces for the reconstruction of the IVth International. But to centre all the effort of the International Liaison Committee on the task of the rectification of the LIT-CI would limit its work towards other forces that must also assume role in the reconstruction of the IVth International. So it is necessary to inscribe the battle for the rectification of the LIT-CI in a wider perspective of fight for the reconstruction of the IVth International.

8.- From newly created International Liaison Committee (CEI), we call on both to the sections of the LIT-CI and to other revolutionary international forces, to join efforts using the instruments that Trotsky and our international leadership used in the thirties to found the IVth International:

1) Responding to the principal centres of the world class struggle, beginning from Middle East and Latin America, with campaigns destined to stimulate the working class and popular struggles against imperialism.

2) Discussing thoroughly in the heat of this activity the principal political problems for the construction of the International one and of Trotskyist parties in all the countries of the world and especially in Europe.

3) In the measure in which in these activities and debates create approximations that can proceed to new mergers, stimulate these processes.

9.- In this sense, against the brutal aggression of Zionism against Palestinian people, particularly in Gaza Strip, we propose to respond to the call of the trade union organizations of Gaza organizing a campaign against the blockade that Israel and the quartet (US, EU, UN, Russia) submit the Palestinian people.

10.- The International Liaison Committee is open for all new organizations and it has a common action plan:

a) to respond main political problems of the international class struggle;

b) to deepen the political elaboration which provides to develop answers based on the revolutionary program and policies;

c) to establish contacts for exploring new international relations.

October, 2009

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