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On Permanent Revolution

Two years of revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East

ILC, 22 March 2013




The revolutionary processes in North Africa and the Middle East placed the revolution on the world agenda and destabilized the control mechanisms of imperialism in this strategic area of the planet. These revolutions have had a clear internationalist sign, extending rapidly in the region and feeding each other. Two years later, three elements determine the situation of the process:

-  The firewall before the revolutionary wave is now the fierce repression of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria, but the regime fails to halt the advance of the revolution.
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- A new wave of mobilizations which reflects the wearing of Islamist governments that emerged from the elections in Tunisia and Egypt, for their neoliberal policies and the break with the old regime.

- The process is connected with the Palestinian struggle, which is also reactive, and increases the isolation of Israel.

All these require the involvement of the international political left, which hasn’t assumed this task so far.

I. Syria, the regime retreats

The popular revolution against the regime in Damascus fulfills two years, with a bloody balance (about 100,000 dead, a million refugees). It started as a peaceful uprising, after years of neoliberal adjustments of Al-Assad government, causing rising unemployment and a brutal impoverishment of workers, peasants and middle class sectors. After months of revolution and faced by the brutal repression of the regime, many activists trusted in an imperialist intervention, and when, in summer, it was found that it did not arrive, support to the Free Syrian Army increased to end the regime.

The process has resulted in a civil war, and although the regime has military support from Iran and Russia, the rebels made significant progress on the ground. Islamist currents have taken the initiative and they sought in the armed struggle the possibility to impose their sectarianism and try to displace the mobilization of the masses. The regime sought to instrumentalize the Kurds in their struggle with Turkey.

The main task of the world left current is to support unconditionally and regardless of their leadership the Syrian masses who revolted against the dictatorial regime of Assad. And also to help in every way to the Syrian revolutionary Marxists in their effort to build a revolutionary leadership. The fall of the regime must respond he demands of the workers and peoples: self determination of the Kurdish people, break with the neoliberal policies and the ties with imperialism, and an active support to the Palestinian cause. Iran and Russia, Out from Syria! No to imperialist intervention!

II. The Palestinian struggle and the revolutionary wave

The revolutionary process is connected with the Palestinian problem, which remains to be the reference for the mass of the region. Israel watches how the fall of dictatorships breaks its security framework and now it’s more isolated. Netanyahu attacks Gaza seeking reelection and forces recently reelected Obama to take position in favor of Israel. But unlike to what happened in the slaughter of 2008-09, this time Israel can’t act with a free hand. The street press the new Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi, not to repeat the policy of silence of complicity of Mubarak and the pressure prevents the entering of the Zionist army by land.

Another impact of the revolutionary wave in the region is the breaking of Hamas (unlike Hezbollah) and the Palestinian left with Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, to who they call not to use the Palestinian cause while massacring his people. The mass struggle in Palestine brings a new breath to the revolutionary process in the region, with a clear anti-imperialist component. Abu Mazen, very discredited, leads the Palestinian state to the UN, but everyone knows that it’s a lame intention. Palestinians call for unity to face the occupation. In a way, Hamas and Fatah see their policies (survival inside the blockade and collaboration with Israel) are exhausted and they try to revive the false solution of two states, which leads the Palestinian struggle leads to a dead end.

With the Palestinian people, for the end of the occupation, for the freedom of prisoners. Immediate lifting of the blockade on Gaza. Down the State of Israel, for a secular, democratic and workers’ Palestine throughout all its historical territory.

III. Tunisia and Egypt: Erosion of the neoliberal Islamist governments

Political revolutions that toppled dictators like Ben Ali and Mubarak were based on the demands of workers and youth: bread, jobs, social justice, and freedom. The dictators fell, but the old regime and its "fulul" don’t break down. Demands for bread and jobs are still to be answered; on the contrary, the living conditions of the population have worsened. The expectations that the masses has placed on Ennahda in Tunisia and the Freedom and Justice Party in Egypt (both affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood) reflected in the elections results, begin to be disappointed by neoliberal policies. These governments of "moderate Islamists" of Turkish type, are focused on paying the debt of dictatorships and to assure security to multinationals on foreign investment, maintaining agreements with imperialism (the U.S., EU, IMF), without paying attention to the needs of the masses.

In this situation, in autumn, a new wave of protests rose up proving that the revolutionary processes are alive. The governments are responding to this wave with repression and for that they need the old apparatus of the dictatorships. The historic democratic tasks can not be divorced from the social ones, and can’t be met by bourgeois leaderships: for this, it’s necessary to construct workers’ and people’s governments that are capable to break ties with both the old dictatorial regimes as with imperialism.

In Tunisia, Islamist Ennahda government signed financial agreements with IMF and Qatar, renewed the dictatorship’s partnership agreement with the EU, tripled the debt of Ben Ali, took no action to reduce unemployment in the country, declined to make changes needed in the justice system, placed its followers in the administration opening the doors to a new wave of corruption, sentenced the countryside to isolation, humiliated the martyrs and disabled veterans of the revolution, strengthened the police repression against the masses, and led the fascist gangs called “Leagues of protection of the revolution” against young people and workers. In short, Ennahda, after kidnapping the leadership of the victorious revolution, yet tries to build an Islamic version of a Bonapartist regime.

Against government’s policies mass mobilizations continued. Strikes in Sidi Bouzid, expulsion of the Governor of Kasserine by the masses, declaration of "independence" of the town of Thala, popular revolts in Al Omran and Herba, confrontations of miners in Gafsa with police, popular uprisings in Gabes ... have been examples of the struggle of the masses under the slogan "the people wants another revolution." To these it’s added the valiant struggle of the people of Siliana in late November. The Government’s response was the same old repression. But the general strike that followed the assassination of Chokri Belaid caused a crisis in Ennahda-led government.

The government crisis can’t be resolved choosing falsely between the Islamist route of Ennhada and the "secular" one of Nida Tounes, because the two are equally bourgeois and liberal. Nida Tuones unites several Bourguibist parties along with other currents. Its leader, Kaid the Sebsi, occupied central posts in the governments of Bourguiba and Ben Ali, was chairman of the transitional government after the flight of the dictator, between February and December 2011. Now he appears as spokesman of the "modernists" sectors who want the army to restore "peace and order" in the country.

It is necessary to build a revolutionary left organization and a recourse towards a workers’ government. The formation of the Popular Front opens the perspective for as re-composition on the Left, which receive 16% support in recent polls. But the construction of an alternative revolutionary leadership can’t be realized by the consensus and the "national dialogue" that the leadership of the UGTT proposes to parties, starting with Ennahda and Nida Tounes. It is urgent to rely on mass mobilizations and build a program to break with the old regime and its institutions, cancelling the agreements done with the EU and the payment of the debt, to establish an employment plan. Only a worker’s and people’s government and workers, which breaks with the old order and implement measures for the unemployed youth and the poor countryside, can open a perspective. In this sense the UGTT is an undisputed benchmark as an organization of the working masses, and a key to find a way out for governmental solution favorable to workers.

In Egypt also the lack of a revolutionary leadership allows the government falling into the hands of neoliberal Islamists, blocking the advance of the revolution. After frictions of power between the powerful military establishment and the government of Mursi, the constitution seals the pact: It preserves the status of the armed forces, allows its budget (about U.S. $ 5 billion) and economic activities (fourth the national product) free from parliamentary control. It forsees formation of a National Security Council without parliamentary control, to "defend the country’s security and armed forces budget", and the military retains post of the defense minister. Military courts will continue to trial civilians under military code. The constitution also deprives the working masses, women and ethnic and religious minorities from democratic and social rights,. Islam becomes the religion of the state, creating the possibility of intervening in civil code with Sharia rules.

Mursi, in late November 2012, publishing a decree sought to concentrate all power in his hands, but a strong response of the masses that took again as reference the Tahrir Square, with the slogans of "bread, freedom and social justice", "the people does not want this regime"and "we need a new revolution" forced him to retreat. But before, mobilized his Salafist gangs –together with the army and police- against the protesters.

Also in Egypt a "laic" block is formed against the Islamist government: National Salvation Front, led by Mohammad-Baradai -former UN observer in Iraq-, Nacib Sawiris -billionaire leader of the Free Egypt Party-, Amir Musa -senior official of Mubarak period- and HamdenSabahi -founder of Arab nationalist y Ba’athist party, Arab Dignity-, which also includes various leftist groups and the youth movement of 6th of April. The Front put pressure on the Muslim Brotherhood to form a government of national reconciliation and in return offers a "one-year truce" between the government and the opposition, which would include call-off of strikes and other labor and popular struggles. But it doesn’t question the government’s economic policy, who has just signed a new loan accord with the IMF and continues to sell gas to Israel...

The working class and people’s struggles has not come down; in 2012 there were more than 3,400 economic and social struggles, including strikes and occupations, as the movement in the town of Kafr al Sheih, the wage struggle in the dye factory Rostex in Sharkiya, the fight of the Giza town against environmental pollution, worker mobilizations of teachers against temporary contracts, wage and contractual strikes of the workers in hospitals of Ismailiyya ... have marked the whole period of resistance and struggles. The Government’s response was repression and persecution of trade unionists, with hundreds of layoffs and years of prison punishments.

IV. The politics of the Left in face of the revolution

A feature of the revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East has been the lack of support of the international left. There are several reasons for that, including the role of the Castro-Chavez. After the so-called "socialism of the XXI st Century" and the "Bolivarian revolution", part of the left has turned away, when not directly fought against the revolution siding with dictators. What can justify the support given to thousands of murders committed by a regime like Assad, which can no longer hide behind any alleged imperialist plot? How can anyone from the left support Gaddafi who quoted the fascist Franco when he entered Madrid to crush the workers’ revolution? One can only explain that for oil trade relations between Chavez or Iran and Libya. Or, even worse, by the existence of a left that closes its eyes to a reality that imposes itself dramatically.

But another part of the left seems to stand waiting for “pure” revolutions to be engaged with them, and only see the negatives, not to support the process. Yes, certain leaderships in the revolutionary movements are not like the revolutionaries would like, but then what can you do? Stand aside and wait for the “ours” to arrive as if by magic? These sectors met their initial justification to paralysis with the winners of the elections in Tunisia and Egypt ... the Islamists. But the revolutionary process is much deeper than the parties that may be on the surface at a given time. As it happened, less than one year after they reach power, Islamic governments are being fought again – in a process that has never been stopped- by people claiming bread, work, and freedom. We must be engaged in the process by supporting those sectors that express a more consistent revolutionary program.

Finally there are those who see the revolution as a series of steps: the first must be consolidated before the next in a well-defined sequence. We heard them in Tunisia shortly after the fall of Ben Ali "is not the time for strikes, it’s time to consolidate democracy ... we’ll have time afterwards to solve other problems" But the revolutionary processes integrate the needs of the masses. If the revolutionary youth from Sidi Bouzid don’t see that the revolution is improving their lives, and when they go back to streets they find the same police that they thought they defeated two years ago… how can you tell them that it’s the government –and not their fight- who is consolidating democracy?

The Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, and the rest of the region, once again confirm a historical reality: in any backward country, semi colonial or dependent, the democratic revolution against the dictatorship and misery can’t achieve its most basic goals (bread, work, freedom) unless it moves towards independence from imperialism and social emancipation. All this countries are under the yoke of international capital which was imposed trough Ben Ali, Mubarak and Gaddafi, all of them protected by imperialism.

The key to these revolutions is the link of democratic demands and social progress is the key to these revolutions, in a process of permanent revolution. If there is no solution to the lack of work, the democratic achievements are themselves threatened. The main weakness of these revolutions is that workers fight for democracy and justice and work, but not with socialism as a flag, that is to say the need to end with capitalist system. And this contradiction, by the weakness (or lack) of revolutionary organizations, is threatening the process. So an enthusiastic involvement of the world left is basic for the building of these organizations.

22/3/2013

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